In January 2019 Ghali, Gué Pequeno, Sfera Ebbasta and Salmo criticized Fedez's album Paranoia Airlines, describing it as boring on Twitter and making negative comments by freestyle. In February 2020 in an interview with Il Messaggero, Ghali says:\"Fedez I toured with him in 2012. Then who didn't help me came to ask me duets. In this setting there is a lot of opportunism; [...] I remember when they told me you'll never do anything and you'll stay forever in the dark in a corner: it was Fedez who told me those things. So far there are no contacts. He tries to get close sometimes, but I try to avoid him\". The rapper concluded: \"Maybe I was wrong, because nobody knows how long and how much dedication is behind a record. If he makes a bad record next time, I'll avoid commenting on it.\"
Speaking to MBW, Marco Alboni, Chairman and Chief Executive, WM Italy, said: Ghali is the voice of a generation and his fans have never needed him more. We worked to create a campaign that could connect people in these dark times and create a communal moment.
After the two international collaborations with Ed Sheeran, in the remake of Antisocial, and with Stormzy, on January 17 2020 the new single feat Salmo Boogieman was released, which on Spotify has been listened to two million times in a week, while the video on Youtube has exceeded half a million clicks in a day. The song has been at the top of the official Fimi/Gfk singles chart since the first week of its release.
The arrogant announcement has annoyed many members of the U.N. and generated a good deal of sympathy for Boutros-Ghali. But there is little hope that he can somehow survive an American veto. Under the U.N. Charter, the 15-member Security Council nominates a Secretary-General for approval by the 185-member General Assembly. Some Boutros-Ghali supporters hope that another of the veto-armed Big Five - China, most likely - will veto every other candidate so long as the U.S. vetoes Boutros-Ghali. With the Security Council paralyzed and unable to nominate a new Secretary-General, the General Assembly might then extend Boutros-Ghali's original term for a few more years, without calling it a second term. That happened once before - when the General Assembly extended Trygve Lie's term for three years in 1950.
But it is hard to see China vetoing all other candidates - especially if the Americans succeed in their strategy of persuading the Africans to come up with a new African candidate as soon as Boutros-Ghali is vetoed. That suggestion has tempted some African governments already, and there is a good deal of talk in U.N. corridors about the chances of three Africans - Kofi Annan of Ghana, the undersecretary general in charge of peacekeeping; Olara Otunnu of Uganda, the president of the International Peace Academy; and Ahmed Salim Salim of Tanzania, the secretary-general of the Organization of African Unity.
He was at his reflective best at a gathering of UN veterans occasioned by the visit of a former UN chief of protocol at the Egyptian residence. He recalled how a UN Secretary General was complimented for his 'superficial' speech and was asked to publish it 'posthumously,' the sooner the better! He remains alert and healthy at 88. Perez de Cuellar (above) was lucky in many ways. Peru had put him up as a candidate for the post of Secretary General only half heartedly and he was not really in the race at the initial stages. After many rounds of voting at which Waldheim and Salim Salim of Tanzania were vetoed repeatedly by China and the US respectively, the young President of the Security Council, Olara Otunnu of Uganda, asked the permanent members during a lunch break to indicate whom they would not veto in a slate of a dozen candidates. Party time for the UN Having found that Cuellar was the only one without a veto, Otunnu proceeded to a quick vote of the whole Council and declared him elected. By the time we came back from lunch, Cuellar, who was fishing in his village in Peru was elected Secretary General. Cuellar too spoke in generalities and never pushed an idea. But his term saw a ceasefire between Iran and Iraq, the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, the release of American hostages in Lebanon and the advent of peace in El Salvador. A part of the credit for all this went to him and his chef de cabinet, Virendra Dayal of India. As the head of the International Organizations Division in Delhi, I took care of Boutros Boutros Ghali (below), when he came to campaign for India's vote. He came late into the field after four African candidates were already in the fray, but it was obvious that he was the favourite of the Americans and I had no doubt that he would be the next Secretary General. Ghali's rules for economic reforms He had a good equation with then Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao and he had no difficulty in securing our support. But he had to stay on his own in Delhi for nearly a week to await meetings in China and I spent several evenings with him. An Arab Coptic Christian, married to a Jew, a professor of international law, a minister of state for foreign affairs of Egypt for many years and a fluent French speaker, he had all the qualifications for the job. His intellectual agility and sense of history were truly impressive. As Secretary General, Ghali was the right man at the right place at the right time. He bristled with new ideas at a time when the UN needed to readjust to the new world. After declaring that he would not seek a second term, Ghali went about reforming the UN with a messianic zeal. 'Americans will need the United Nations' He was the most fiercely independent Secretary General since Dag Hammarskjld. His 'Agenda for Peace' was the most comprehensive effort ever made to alter the architecture of the UN. He propounded the theory that the concept of state sovereignty should undergo a change and advocated humanitarian intervention in deserving cases. He wanted a force to be placed at the disposal of the Secretary General to be deployed at short notice in any part of the globe. He was proactive in guiding Security Council Action in Yugoslavia and Somalia. Virtually every member of the UN felt uneasy about him at one time or another and the inter-governmental bodies curtailed his enthusiasm for reform by modifying his ideas. I worked with Ghali in my capacity as the Chairman of several UN bodies, among them, the Security Council Committee on an Arms Embargo Against South Africa, the Committee on Programme and Coordination, the General Assembly Consultations on Financing for Development and the General Assembly Working Group on UN Reform. Purge the UN! He drew up realistic targets for our work, gave valuable advice and rendered every assistance to us. His autocratic ways earned him the nickname, 'Pharaoh' and he was accused of aspiring to be a General rather than a Secretary General. He, in turn, called the Agency Chiefs 'barons' as they pursued their own agendas independent of the UN. He reduced a number of high level posts, but appointed even a larger number of advisers at the same level. But his erudition, innovation and courage earned him the support of most members of the UN, except the US He narrates his innumerable quarrels with Madeline Albright in his book of revenge and admits: \"I had foolishly disregarded her increasing political influence in Washington.\" Though he was denied a second term, he left his imprint on the UN at a critical time in its history. I met Kofi Annan long before he became the Secretary General, when he was a rising star in the UN hierarchy. He was the 'Controller', the person in charge of budget and finance during my days in the Committee on Programme and Coordination and then the Chief of Peacekeeping Operations during my days as the Deputy Permanent Representative. UN indispensable, says Annan What I remember most about him of those days are his unfailing courtesy and personal charm inside the conference rooms, on the Roosevelt Island cable car or at my own East End Avenue apartment. His competence and self-confidence were on display both at the Committee on Programme and Coordination, where he enlightened us about the intricacies of the UN budget and at the innumerable meetings with troop contributors, where he outlined the constraints of peacekeeping operations. On the day Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated, I happened to be in the delegates dining room at the UN, totally oblivious of what had happened back home. Annan, who was observing me from another table, realised from my body language that I was unaware of the tragedy. Slide show: Annan in India He walked over to my table slowly, took me aside and said that as soon as I finished my lunch, I should go down to the lounge and watch CNN. He did not answer when I asked him what happened so as not to spoil the mood of the party. Although he was cool and collected as he spoke to me, I knew him well enough to realise that something serious had happened. I lost no time in rushing to watch CNN. As Secretary General, Annan put his infinite charm and long experience in the UN to good use. His fortes are effective management of the UN resources and efficient use of his personal diplomacy in crisis situations. Iraq dominated his entire tenure in one way or the other. He tasted successes, failures and tragedy in Iraq; he even faces a scandal in that connection. Annan's UN reforms has few takers
But the overwhelming support he enjoys among the members is testimony to his essential goodness. He was not an idle spectator when a coalition of the willing rather than the international community decided to take enforcement action and pushed the Security Council into the biggest crisis it ever faced. He kept the UN engaged despite US defiance and established that it is the UN alone that can provide the healing touch. He has won many laurels, but he will be judged by history for what happens in his last two years in the UN rather than for his first forty years. 781b155